Ku Li slap Pak Lah: "Republic of Banana"

Malaysiakini reported that Ku Li slap on Abdullah's plan to postponed the UMNO Annual General Meeting. He prescribed that this motion had make this country like a "Republic of Banana" !

He slap that this motion to postponed and transited power on his (Abdullah) own had make Malaysia a laughingstock.

It's Childish, Undemocratic, Shameful!

(above all translated bt [the 3rd PARTY] from http://malaysiakini.com/news/90466)

This is the story here picked from Malaysiakini (Mandarin version) here,

姑里：私相授受成国际笑柄

另一方面，已宣布将竞选巫统主席职的话望生区部主席东姑拉沙里炮轰最高理事会决定展延党选的做法，并且形容大马犹如一个“香蕉共和国”，讥讽拥有第一世界的设备，却只有第三世界的政治。

香蕉共和国意指由小撮人贪污滥权政客所操纵的不民主政府。

他批评阿都拉与纳吉不顾法律以及对国家造成的伤害，把首相职务这个国家最重大的责任，当作是小孩子游戏来看待，私相授受，令人感到羞耻。

他说，巫统领导层在308大选后，不但没有拟出任何国家经济计划或者改革议程，却仅是为两人专门设计了一个权力转移计划，以面对党选的硬战。

“他们的个人事业看来比国际的前程更加重要。他们已经把马来西亚变成一个国际笑柄。”

(above chinese words picked from http://malaysiakini.com/news/90466)

Blacken Comics Sent Out ~ Chua Soi Lek (MCA) ~ (english translated version) ~

With the MCA party election approaching, the party internally began to discredit a variety of candidates. Dr. Chua Soi Lek who had announced to run for the Deputy President post made a police report yesterday complaint about a series of comics which tend to discredit him.

Chua Soi Lek submitted the "blacken comics" he received to the Petaling Jaya police station at about 12:30 yesterday as evidence.

Total of 12 pages series of blacken comic

He held a press conference this morning revealed that a total of 12 pages of this blacken comic series had been started to sent to all MCA Central Committee party leaders' house since August this year, where being sent out separately about 2 or 3 pages a week.

Due to Chua Soi Lek also a member of Central Committee, he also received the comics.

Chua Soi Lek report, provided to the police, two suspected of being behind the names of members of the MCA, one of whom is a representative of the Central Committee. However, he refused to disclose to reporters the name of the person concerned.

Buying Votes with money (a total of RM15,000,000/= spent !!?)

He showed reporters these received 12 pages of blacken comic, which alleged he offer RM10,000 per person to buy votes from 1,500 members of MCA Central Committee.

He criticized this motion is an insult on central committees and damage the party's image.

"I know all about comic books have been sent to all MCA Central Committees' houses and major mainstream media organizations, and the frequency of sending increased rapidly when I declare to run for Deputy President in the coming party election."

"The comics not only refers I void medical ethics when I was as a practical in the 70's, as well as accusing me holded shares in major large-scale development plans of the Minister of Health when I was the Minister then."

"I must emphasize that I did not give bribe each member of the Central Committee RM10,000 Malaysian ringgit bribes, as well as I didn't hold shares in every large-scale development projects of the Ministry of Health."

Back-stage Manipulator obtain information of the Ministry of Health

As a result of this series of comic mainly to discredit and alleged Dr. Chua Soi Lek's corruption and immoral behavior during his period as the Minister of Health, so he suspected the manipulator behind the scene got his way to access to information through the Ministry of Health.

In addition, he said that ordinary people won't easily obtain the addresses of the Central Committee members, hence he suspect that the manipulator behind the scene was also link a special relatation to the MCA's Secretariat department.

However, Dr. Chua denied that the one hold a Minister post in the current cabinet when answered to reporters.

He said that not many people easy access to obtain information from Ministry of Health and particular details of MCA 's Central Committhe members, therefore, to investigate the scope of the suspects has been narrowed.

"I think they have friend in the Secretariat. Although these two men do not have official (Ministry) posts, but from they are having working relationship with the official from time to time."
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(translated from Malaysiakini [Mandarin version] http://malaysiakini.com/news/90423)

Blacken Comic Sent Out (English version) ~ Malaysiakini

translation version click here : http://malaysiaparty.blogspot.com/2008/09/blacken-comics-sent-out-chua-soi-lek.html

Blacken Comic ~ MCA Dr. Chua ~ Malaysiakini

Malaysiakini [Mandarin version] reported the following news,

(Blacken Comics Sent to MCA central leaders houses to discredit Dr. Chua)

党选抹黑漫画寄中央代表住家
蔡细历报警怀疑两名党员涉案
9月26日 中午12点10分
随着马华党选逼近，党内开始出现各种抹黑候选人的手段，已宣布竞选署理总会长的蔡细历，昨日就针对一系列抹黑他的漫画，向警方报案。

蔡细历昨日中午12点半左右，向八打灵再也警察局报案，并且向警方呈上他所收到的抹黑漫画作为证据。

一系列抹黑漫画共12张
他今早举行新闻发布会披露，这一系列共12张抹黑漫画，是在今年8月开始寄发给马华所有中央代表的住家，每个星期大概寄出两三张。
由于蔡细历也是中央代表，因此他也有收到有关的漫画。

蔡细历报案时，向警方提供了两名被怀疑是幕后黑手的马华党员名字，其中一人是中央代表。不过，他拒绝向记者披露有关人士的名字。

影射向中央代表派钱买票
他向记者出示所收到的第12张漫画，指他以每人1万令吉，收买1500名马华中央代表。
他批评，此举是侮辱中央代表，并损害党的形象。

“我知道有关漫画皆被寄至所有马华中央代表的住家和各大主流媒体机构，并在我宣布竞选署里总会长后寄得更加频密。”
“有关漫画内容不但指我在70年代行医时毫无医德，同时也指责我在出任卫生部长期间，在各大卫生部大型发展计划中皆有股份。”
“我必须强调的是，我根本没有给予每名马华中央代表1万令吉的贿款，同时也不可能每一个卫生部的大型发展计划我都有股份。”

幕后黑手获取卫生部资料
由于这一系列的抹黑漫画，主要攻击蔡细历出任卫生部长期间涉及贪污与不道德行为，因此他怀疑攻击他的幕后黑手有办法透过卫生部获取资料（who have access to the Ministry of Health）。
此外，他表示，由于中央代表的住家地址并不容易取得，因此他怀疑幕后黑手也可能与马华秘书处有特定关系。
不过，当记者询及他所怀疑的幕后黑手是否拥有官职时，蔡细历则回答说，没有。
他说，由于能够获取卫生部资料和所有马华中央代表的资料者并不多，因此调查涉嫌者的范围已经缩小。“我认为他们两人都有朋友在秘书处的。虽然这两人并没有官职，但却时有跟官职的人拥有工作关系的。”
*一系列抹黑漫画共12张
*影射向中央代表派钱买票
*幕后黑手获取卫生部资料
(picked from Malaysiakini [Mandarin version] http://malaysiakini.com/news/90423)

Chance to Prove Your Honesty & Integrity

With Malaysiakini (Sep 17, 08 7:44pm) reported that Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who swapped his finance portfolio for his deputy's defence post, is seen moving quickly to shore up power ahead of challenges to his political position both from within and outside his Umno party.

Is Najib the man for the job?
By Baradan Kuppusamy

SEPT 23 — With a terrific pedigree and a seriously damaged reputation Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak, who was shoved into national politics as a precocious 23 year old in 1976, is now more than 30 years later poised to take charge of a troubled country.

It does not matter whether he takes over after Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi is forced to quit before the Umno polls in December or he challenges and defeats Abdullah or consummates the 2010 succession plan, as he had promised.

As the situation stands now only Najib, who has a strong grip over the party, is in line to succeed.

Therefore what really matters is whether this man, whose upper crust origins, entire upbringing and personal politics are all geared to defending the status quo, would embrace the change that Malaysians desire.

Will he defend the old Umno-led order in an uncertain time or ride the reformasi wave that was first set off with the arrest of archrival Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim in 1998 and is still rolling after the March 8 general election.

Where Najib stands on the new Malaysia and how he responds to the demand for change are key issues not just for the ordinary Malaysian voter but also for the BN component parties.
The MCA, MIC, PPP and Gerakan — all of which face an uncertain future after voters deserted them in the March 8 general election — are anxious how the Umno succession battle is resolved and who emerges the winner.

Even Umno itself, which had made all the big decisions since before independence, is labouring under the weight of a great disquiet over its future.

Can it reform? Can it win back the support of the Malays and the other races?

Najib, in some ways, is the other man of the hour besides opposition leader Anwar. His future and the country's are intertwined in more ways than one.

"We and the BN as a coalition are facing our biggest crisis ever... May 13 is nothing compared to now. The future for all of us is clouded," said a senior MCA leader on condition of anonymity.
"There are fundamental differences in all political parties over how to change, what to change and how to survive the future," he said, adding all eyes are on the Umno succession battle.

"Naturally we need a liberal, inclusive and pragmatic Malay leader to take charge and lead the BN and the country out of the woods," he said. "We have to wait and see how Umno decides.'

"Is Najib the man?" said a Gerakan leader, adding with Umno itself gripped in a succession crisis the BN parties have to wait to see the outcome.
"However the business community likes Najib's calmness, sureness and firmness but his reputation is sullied over the murder of the Mongolian lady," he said, referring to the 2006 murder of Altantuya Shaariibuu.

"We worry whether this serious issue would develop into a big a setback for the BN later," he said.

Although Najib has strongly denied any links to the murdered woman and has sworn on the Quran to never having met her and although the Umno rank and file seems satisfied with the explanation, the public perception is that many questions remain unanswered over the whole episode.

"It is a liability… political baggage that can catch up later if left uncleared especially with Najib's political enemies active, possibly growing in strength and openly targeting him for the meat grinder," said the Gerakan leader.

Becoming a minister at the age of 32, Najib put in long years of steady and hard work, rising up the Umno ladder and gaining experience after being moved from one portfolio to another.

He was relatively free of controversy and admired for his patience and ability to clarify complex issues into simple messages.

As Umno Youth leader, however, he gained some notoriety during another Umno crisis — the 1987 leadership battle — when he took part in a rally in Kampung Baru where anti-Chinese sentiments were openly expressed.

Until the Mongolian murder surfaced in October 2006 Najib was relatively above it all, both in Umno and in the country, with a clear, unimpeded run to the top Prime Minister's post.
But after that it was one controversy after another in rapid succession.

First the rumours that he was linked to Altantuya. Then the accusations surfaced on the Internet and finally came the statutory declarations.

It all led to sedition and defamation charges, police investigations and ended with the arrest of blogger Raja Petra Kamarudin under the ISA. (As updated news, Raja Petra will be detained for another 2 years !)

Adding to the skull drudgery was the explosive revelations by private eye P. Balasubramaniam and his retraction and disappearance — all within 24 hours — leaving the public gasping and speculating wildly where the truth ends and the lies begin.

The latest controversy is Najib's alleged links to Saiful Bukhari Azlan, who says he was sodomised by Anwar.

In all these controversies Najib has been deft and fast on the feet to survive the landmines thrown his way.

"It shows ambition, drive and determination to defeat his enemies and survive," a Umno insider said. "He is damaged but still firmly on the path to succession."

"If he survivors after December and makes it to the top, his future and the country's future would depend a lot on whether he embraces the reform agenda," said a lawyer and former MIC leader.

"That's the key word — reform. How he fights corruption, how he promotes the rule of law, how he satisfies the non-Malay desire for equality, meritocracy and justice... these are the key issues," the lawyer said.

"There is deep distrust of Umno and the BN among the people… it would take years to heal if at all," he said, adding that the next Prime Minister would have a tough job on his hands.

"Coming from the same sullied Umno-BN pond, naturally people have doubts over Najib's honesty and his integrity," the lawyer said, adding however Malaysians generally would give a new man a "chance to prove himself."
(picked from The Malaysian Insider http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/index.php/malaysia/9464-is-najib-the-man-for-the-job-)
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Malaysiakini also reported that
Najib expected to bring new blood into Finance Ministry
Wong Choon Mei Sep 18, 08 2:14pm
Deputy Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak, who was made finance minister a day ago, is expected to rely on a group of high-level experts, including his brother Nazir, the current head of the CIMB banking group, to revive the country's flagging economy.
*Changes likely only next year
*Anwar still the main issue

Tengku Razaleigh's Statement, Sep 23, 2008

Statement by Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah
September 23, 2008

I write this as a Malaysian, as someone who, over forty seven years of political life, has had the privilege of playing some small part in the formation our country, the building of its institutions, and our achievement of a degree of economic sufficiency. I write out of deep concern about the present state of our country.

In the lives of nations as of individuals, there come moments of profound possibility, when the potential for self-transcendence and for self-destruction are simultaneously present.

As before some critical examination in our youth, we come to the daunting realization that we hold our future in our hands, when how we will fare many years hence, and whether we shall flourish or languish, will depend on how we conduct ourselves now, in this small window of time.

We are in a political impasse that threatens to metastasize into a Constitutional crisis. Political crises come and go, but the present crisis might well be the beginning of a cascade of failures leading to long-term instability and destruction.

1. Our impasse occurs at a time of heightened economic, political and security challenges. The global economy faces the prospect of a meltdown on a scale last seen in the Great Depression of the last century. As a trading nation, we are strongly exposed to its effects. Meanwhile, while we seem to have slept, the global economy is undergoing an epic transformation that we must either adapt to or aremarginalized by.

2. This year's ground-shfiting General Election result signaled a public sentiment that cannot be ignored. Malaysians want fundamental change, and they want it now, whether from within the ruling coalition or from outside it. The Malaysian demographic has changed dramatically over the last fifty years. We have seen the birth of a more sophisticated, demanding electorate that has rightly lost patience with incompetence and dishonesty.

3. The grievances of Sabah and Sarawak, which found only partial expression in the General Elections, remain unaddressed. This risks the very integrity of our Federation.

4. Misunderstandings over race and religion are ripe for political exploitation, with potentially disastrous consequences.

Post election promises notwithstanding however, the government now commands even less confidence than it did post March 8.

The public is in near despair over the prospects for change from within the ruling party. Rather than share the public's sense of urgency, our present office-holders have redoubled efforts to frustrate renewal, cut off reform, and silence criticism. These efforts only underscore the weakness of the administration and its will to change.

We can no longer deny that in its present form, and under present leadership, the government, led by the party to which I have given my life, is now structurally and inherently incapable of providing the direction and confidence that the country needs, whether over the long or short term. The indications are there for all to see:

1. The government has been unable to respond to the economic crisis with even a basic plan of action. Business confidence has plummeted as capital flees the country. Our economic policy remains as uncoordinated and directionless as it has been in since the beginning of this administration.

2. The recommendations of two Royal Commissions of Inquiry have been ignored or watered down into insignificance.

3. In this context, Umno's constitutional provision for the renewal of its leadership by triennial elections might have been expected to provide some hope of renewal. Instead of embracing this opportunity, however, the leadership of the party has retreated into the fantasy world of a transition plan which rides roughshod over the party's constitution and the rights of its members. This risible attempt to treat public office and party trust as a private bequest between two individuals, one of whom wishes to hold office beyond his democratic mandate and the other to ascend without one, and the continuing effort to force feed the country with this notion, fools no one. Instead, and against background of rampant money politics, it kills the public's hope of national renewal via Umno. Behind the babble about a transition plan the Prime Minister continues to be subverted by members of his own cabinet and subjected to thinly cloaked power plays to force his resignation.

This resort to a transition plan betrays a disturbing failure to grasp the meaning and purpose of public office. In the more mature society into which we aspire to grow, persons who demonstrate and moreover propagate such disregard for constitutional and democratic process would long ago have been disqualified from public life, let alone from national leadership. The news appears not to have sunk in that the public rejects leaders who shun the open light of democratic contest in favour of staged plays and backroom plots.

Given Umno's core role in national politics, this is a dangerous state of affairs. Meanwhile the Opposition has made undeniable gains in the number of parliamentarians it commands. Beyond the hype and inflation, and regardless of whether Pakatan Rakyat now has the numbers to command a majority, what we cannot doubt is that support for the governing majority continues to erode, and that this erosion continues so long as there is no hope of real change in the type of leadership Umno provides. There is now a credible threat that the present government may at some time fall by a vote of no confidence, or by some otherwise constitutionally legitimate demonstration of parliamentary majority. After fifty-one years of rule by a single party, this is not a possibility that is well understood. It is justifiably viewed with trepidation. Neither sheer denial on the one hand, or inflated claims on the other, help the situation.

To all appearances, we are beginning to lose grip of the rule of law. The use of the Internal Security Act and of Sedition Laws to target particular individuals further erodes the credibility of the government. Our actions exacerbate rather than calm the fear that stokes civil and racial strife. In the present context of a leadership struggle within Umno and against a strong Opposition it is impossible to dispel the notion that these extreme measures are calculated to maintain certain individuals in power rather than to address verifiable threats to national security. Nothing does more to undermine the legitimacy of a government than plainly unjust acts. The ridiculous justifications given for some of these detentions has further undermined public confidence that the awesome powers of state are in safe hands.

We cannot afford to allow these disturbing trends to play out their destructive course while we suffer a de facto leadership vacuum, and while the rule of law is uncertain and the Constitution not upheld.

Against this background I appeal to all parties to come together in humility, beyond party politics, to hold an honest discussion, in the spirit of shared citizenship and with the gravest attitude of common responsibility towards a longsuffering rakyat, about what is happening to our country and how we might agree together on a peaceful way beyond our impasse. We need to come together to find unity and direction out of this dangerous situation. In doing so, we might turn our crisis into an opportunity and renew our unity and sense of direction as Malaysia.

Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah
31 Jalan Langgak Golf
55000 Kuala Lumpur
(picked from Malaysia Central http://www.mycen.com.my/pr/index.html?kuli)
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