突破重围！凯里当选巫青团史来最年轻的团长 ！！

26th March Malaysiaparty 's pick of to-day
(picked from Malaysiakini.com) : http://malaysiakini.com/news/101004

3月26日 党讯精選
(转摘自《当今大马》 Malaysiakini ) : http://malaysiakini.com/news/101004

巫青团长三角战中突围
凯里险胜得票不足四成
当今大马团队 3月25日 晚上11点19分
巫青团长龙头宝座竞争激烈，得票相近，导致必须多次重算。原本不受看好的卸任巫统主席阿都拉女婿，原任巫青副团长凯里，成功在三角战中，突出重围，当选史上最年轻的巫青团长。

他击败两名势均力敌的对手，即前雪兰莪州务大臣基尔以及前首相马哈迪的幼子慕克里兹。随着这次的脱颖而出，

现年33岁凯里的当选，缔造历史，成为巫青团史来最年轻的团长。

凯里的得票是304张票，基尔第二高票获得254张票至于慕克里兹则获得232张票。

比起第二高票的基尔，凯里的多数票仅有50张。


至于巫青团副团长之战，则由柔佛州巫青团长兼麻坡国会议员拉查里以417票胜出。拉查里也被视为前任巫青团长希山慕丁的“爱将”。他是击败隶属凯里阵营，首相阿都拉的政治秘书理查（Reezal Merican Naina Merican)。

凯里得票率仅38%

巫青团共有791名中央代表，这意味着凯里的得票仅有38%。

凯里也在第一时间表示本身将会以谦卑的心执行团长之职，由于他仅获得不到40%的得票。

一般认为，凯里在巫青团长竞选中仅赢得不到40%的票数，显示若出现两名对手分裂票数，凯里势必会被击败。

不过由于凯里的得票及两名对手的得票十分接近，导致必须多次重算，导致必须截至晚上11点15分才公布成绩。

巫统喉舌《新海峡时报》网页声称，巫青团长曾进行多达3次的重算。

凯里与慕克里联合高举双手

在成绩揭晓时，仅有凯里与慕克里兹在场。两人在宣布成绩后很有风度地一起联合高举双手，唯独不见基尔的踪影。

慕克里兹拥抱代表难掩失望

竞选失利的慕克里兹在很早就踏入会场等待成绩。虽然他展现风度，与所有代表一一拥抱，但脸上似已掩不住失望。

这时，会场外的凯里支持者，已在高歌庆祝，歌声一阵阵地传入会场。

慕克里兹与代表拥抱完毕后，便走到台下的前排位子坐下，一些支持者则随同他坐在一旁。

慕克里兹苦笑，支持者掉泪

在等候正式宣布成绩的时候，一名站在慕克里兹身旁的支持者，突然忍不住掉泪。慕克里兹见状，也忍不住情绪激动，眼眶泛红，但他看到摄影记者纷纷举起相机拍照时，脸上又挂起一丝苦笑。

当成绩宣布后，慕克里兹缓步走上台，与台上的中选者一一拥抱。他最后一名拥抱的是凯里，当两人相拥时，台下马上响起如雷的掌声。

慕克里兹较后接受记者访问时说，他将以开放的胸怀，看待这次的败绩，毕竟这也是比赛的过程之一。

“就如同（卸任团长）希山慕丁刚才所说，3角战肯定有两人败选，而今天，我成了两名败选者中的一人。”

“这并非我第一次败选，我曾在2004年古邦巴素的区部选举中失利。我吸取这次的教训，恭贺凯里中选。”

“我也希望青年团能够团结，继续巫统的传统，捍卫民族语言和文化。”

询及是否将继续政治斗争，慕克里兹则说，“当然，我还是一名党员，我认为我还有一些微小的贡献，我将尽力而为。”

数百支持者闹事拒绝解散

不过在巫青团长竞选成绩宣布之后，在晚上11点30分左右，数百名相信是慕克里兹与基尔的支持者不满落败，聚集在巫统大厦底层的入口处举行示威抗议，并高喊“凯里贪污”、“巫统不会改变”等口号宣泄心中的不满。

他们声称凯里的当选违反纳吉的意愿，违反了要求剔除金钱政治的改革巫统大计。

赶抵现场的警方要求这些慕克里兹的支持者离开会场，但是他们却拒绝离开，甚至还组织人墙阻拦警方解散人群。

落败一方的支持者过后还与另外数百名凯里的支持者产生冲突，双方发生肢体冲突和冲撞。

警方最终成功在大约12点20分左右驱散闹事的慕克里兹支持者，目前巫统大厦的情况已经恢复平静。

巫统纪律局日前宣布调查结果时，曾指责凯里涉及金钱政治，但却基于其犯规的代理人与凯里的关系“微弱”为由，仅加以警告一番，没有吊销凯里的竞选资格。不过针对纪律局的调查结果，凯里坚称本身并没有行贿。


被视为两名首相“代理人之战”

凯里及慕克里兹在巫青团长中的对决，被视为是两名交恶的首相，即前首相马哈迪及现任首相阿都拉之间的“代理人之战”。

在阿都拉即将卸任之际，事先不受看好凯里成功突围而出，被视为是马哈迪试图影响巫统党选成绩的努力已宣告失败。

马哈迪一直视凯里为眼中钉，甚至还特地撰写部落格贴文促巫统代表勿支持凯里，更呼吁纳吉勿让凯里入阁。

凯里起死回生，基尔政途没落

随着凯里的险胜，失去了阿都拉“庇护”的凯里政治生涯可说已经是“起死回生”，并有更多的本钱问鼎内阁部长的职位。传统上巫青团长将会被赋予部长职，尤其是青年及体育部长。

不过对于基尔而言，续断送雪州国阵政权，并在党选中落败之后，他的政治生涯可说已到了终点。

*凯里304票，基尔254票，慕克里232票
*凯里与慕克里联合高举双手
*慕克里兹苦笑，支持者掉泪
*凯里起死回生，基尔政途没落

Pak Lah, Kesal apa ? Petrol Naik Mengecutkan-Barangan Naik; Petrol Turun Bagai Nenek Turun Bukit, Siapa Lagi Mahu Ikut Turunkan Harga ?

5hb Januari [KM] Koleksi Mingguan Malaysiaparty
(Dipetik drp Malaysiakini-bahasa Malaysia) : http://malaysiakini.com/news/95626

PM kesal harga barangan masih tinggi

Dec 31, 08 1:09pm

Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi kesal kerana harga barangan masih tinggi walaupun harga petrol turun tujuh kali sejak Ogos lepas, malah lebih rendah daripada harga sebelum ia dinaikkan pada Jun. "Saya sekali lagi menyeru semua pengeluar, pengilang, pengedar dan peniaga barangan agar bertimbang rasa dan prihatin terhadap keperitan rakyat dan sama-sama menurunkan harga barangan demi kesejahteraan mereka," kata perdana menteri dalam amanat tahun baru 2009 yang disiarkan malam ini. Beliau menambah, kerajaan telah melaksanakan pelbagai langkah untuk memelihara kesejahteraan rakyat dan ekonomi negara, termasuk memberi bantuan seperti bayaran rebat kenderaan dan subsidi beras untuk meringankan kesusahan rakyat. "Apabila harga minyak dunia turun, faedah daripadanya terus disalurkan kepada rakyat," katanya, lapor agensi berita Bernama. Abdullah juga berkata walaupun krisis ekonomi dunia diramalkan cukup mencabar pada 2009, kerajaan berazam mengambil langkah berkesan untuk memelihara kekuatan ekonomi negara dan melindungi kepentingan rakyat. Ia akan terus bertindak secara prihatin dan bertanggungjawab serta memantau corak dan perkembangan ekonomi dunia dan mengambil langkah wajar menghadapinya, tambahnya. Abdullah berkata Malaysia mempunyai beberapa kelebihan yang dapat membantu menghadapi keadaan dengan lebih berkesan daripada banyak negara lain. "Sektor kewangan kita adalah kukuh, tidak seperti waktu krisis kewangan satu dekad yang lalu. "Rizab kewangan negara berada pada paras yang tertinggi dalam sejarah kita, iaitu 37 peratus berbanding jumlah Keluaran Dalam Negara Kasar (KDNK). "Institusi kewangan kita mempunyai modal yang kukuh dan dikawal selia secara berhemah. Ekonomi negara kita bersifat pelbagai dan tidak bergantung kepada satu sektor tertentu semata-mata," perdana menteri dipetik berkata. Katanya lagi, segala usaha akan diambil untuk merancakkan kegiatan ekonomi dengan menggembleng secara bijak sumber-sumber yang ada dan memberi penekanan kepada sumber dalaman iaitu pelaburan sektor awam dan swasta tempatan. "Kerajaan telah menyuntik dana tambahan RM7 bilion dalam bentuk rangsangan agar ekonomi tidak akan mengalami kemelesetan, sebaliknya berupaya untuk terus berkembang," katanya. Kerajaan juga akan memberi perhatian kepada projek berimpak tinggi yang mampu menjana pertumbuhan ekonomi dan meningkatkan daya tahan negara seperti pembinaan lebih banyak rumah kos rendah, pemuliharaan dan baik pulih kemudahan awam dan peningkatan mutu perkhidmatan pengangkutan awam, kata Perdana Menteri. Abdullah berkata jika perlu, kerajaan akan mengambil langkah-langkah tambahan bagi memastikan ekonomi tetap berkembang dan permintaan dan penggunaan domestik terus meningkat. Katanya kemampuan negara menghadapi cabaran tidak bergantung kepada keupayaan dan langkah-langkah dalam bidang ekonomi sahaja tetapi keutuhan dan integriti institusi negara, pentadbiran yang bersih dan cekap serta sistem kehakiman yang berwibawa amat penting untuk menjamin pengurusan ekonomi dan sosial yang baik dan mampu menarik keyakinan pelabur. "Sehubungan ini, saya bersyukur kita telah mencapai kemajuan besar dengan kelulusan Rang Undang-undang Suruhanjaya Pencegahan Rasuah Malaysia dan Rang Undang-undang Suruhanjaya Pelantikan Kehakiman oleh Parlimen baru-baru ini," katanya. Beliau berkata langkah seperti itu penting untuk menjamin hak masyarakat terpelihara secara adil dan saksama terutamanya mereka yang kurang berupaya untuk mempertahankan hak mereka. "Saya yakin dan percaya bahawa dengan niat suci dan semangat gigih, tiada gunung yang terlalu tinggi untuk kita daki dan tiada laut yang terlalu dalam untuk kita selami," kata Abdullah.

ASIJN - Angkatan Selamatkan IJN

03th January Malaysiaparty 's [SPot] Special Report
(picked from Ahirudin Attan 's blog - [ http://rockybru.com.my/ ]) :
http://rockybru.com.my/2009/01/midnight-regulations.html

"Midnight regulations"

Saturday, January 03, 2009 at 7:24pm

Have a Heart. If you are interested in saving IJN from Sime Darby, please place this heart on your blog. Thank you. _ Rocky's Bru




EPU calls for meeting. Despite public uproar and stakeholders' objection, the outgoing Abdullah Administration seems bent on forcing through a proposal by a desperate Sime Darby to take over IJN, the National Heart Institute set up in 1992.

Just a week after the Cabinet announced that it was deferring a decision on the matter, the Economic Planning Unit in the PM's Department has called for a meeting between Sime Darby and IJN. The meeting is scheduled for 2.30 pm on Monday.

The media have not been formally informed of the meeting but anti-takeover blogs are saying that it's an attempt to push the deal through before March when Abdullah is due to hand over the premiership to Najib Razak.

Pak Lah's "midnight regulations". I was looking for a term to describe a takeover attempt done in such haste and in the middle of a leadership change, too. Someone suggested that I look up under "midnight regulations".

[In the context of American politics, midnight regulations are the executive branch agency regulations passed in the lame duck period of an outgoing President's administration. More from Wiki, h e r e].

Outgoing President Bush, for example, is trying to push 90 midnight regulations to ensure his legacy, according to one source.

Abdullah is already rushing several legislation, including the Judicial Apppointments Commission, in Parliament to secure his legacy. The IJN takeover can be seen in the same vein. The RM1.7 billion LCCT airport in Labu was never part of the country's airport masterplan but was approved by the Cabinet for Air Asia and, yes, Sime Darby to develop. Watch closely now, there'll be more midnight approvals and midnight projects before someone calls it a day.

I am encouraged to know that there are more bloggers now out to try and stop these midnight nonsense. They include
Sime Darby Watch
Sakmongkol
Apanama
A Voice
AM Ubaidah and
Dr M.
The other blogging doctor, Doctor 2008, even calls the takeover attempt "The Healthcare Blooper of the Year - Malaysian Edition" and tells us what exactly is wrong with the deal [click h e r e]. The cartoon below is taken from the good doc's blog.

read more and comments at [ rocky's bru: "Midnight regulations" ]

[反贪污委员会法案] 三读通过下议院

21th December Malaysiaparty 's [NOW] News of Week
(picked from Malaysiakini.com) : http://malaysiakini.com/news/94966

12月21日 党讯精選
(转摘自《当今大马》 Malaysiakini ) : http://malaysiakini.com/news/94966

国阵全力护航，民联修改不果
下议院通过反贪污委员会法案
王德齐 12月16日 傍晚6点33分 (晚间8点更新)

经过两天的仓促辩论之后，首相阿都拉矢志在退休前完成的大马反贪污委员会法案，今午在国阵议员的一致护航之下，终于通过二读和三读。

这也意味着反贪委员会法案已经顺利通过下议院所有的立法程序，接下来将提呈上上议院寻求通过。

虽然人民联盟议员在辩论阶段屡屡要求政府修改法案，包括赋予独立检控权和摆脱行政权的影响，但是在国阵议员人数占优的情况下，这项法案最终还是在下午5点通过二读投票，并进入委员会辩论阶段。

随后，这项法案也顺利在晚上7时50分完成委员会辩论阶段，并通过三读，顺利在下议院闯关。

值得一提的是，正副首相阿都拉和纳吉下午也一度进入议会厅内，聆听纳兹里作出的总结。

阿都拉是于上周三向下议院，提呈拖延许久的两项改革法案——反贪委员会法案和司法委员会法案进行一读。

驳斥总检长权力过大之说

较早时，首相署部长纳兹里（左图）为反贪委员会法案进行总结时，也驳斥反对党指责总检察长权力过大的说法，称法案中的“总检察长”（Public Prosecutor）其实是指总检查署，而不应该狭隘的诠释为总检察长个人而已。

“提控案件的决定权已经交给调到反贪委员会的副检察官。因此，议员们提出的问题不会发生。”

他也辩称，虽然总检察长拥有提控的最终决定权，但是他个人不可能亲自阅读每年提控的2万宗案件，“他阅读一年都读不完！”因此，最终是由其他总检查署官员会负责决定是否作出提控。

不过，民联议员如怡保东区国会议员林吉祥和瓜拉雪兰莪国会议员祖基菲，还是对纳兹里的解释感到不满。其中，林吉祥就形容这是“不合逻辑”。

建议设总检长委任委员会

对此，纳兹里回应说，国会议员不应该因为不满现任总检察长阿都干尼，而建议撤出总检察长的权力。

“如果问题是出在个人身上，那么问题应该是我们能针对有关人士采取什么行动，而不是撤除总检察长现有的权力。”

为了安抚仍然不满的民联议员，纳兹里也建议比照司法委员会，设立一个委员会来处理总检察长的委任。

“如果法官能够有一个司法委员会，来确保法官是自由的，我们何不也这么做来委任总检察长？最重要的获得最好的人选。”

拒绝让委员会向国会负责

针对民联议员呼吁让反贪委员会直接向国会负责的看法，纳兹里回应说，政府不曾打算这么做，因为政治人物可能趁机影响委员会的操作。

“我们不曾想过将反贪委员会设在国会管辖下！这是不可能，因为我们是奉行党派政治（partisan politics）。”

不过，他也补充说，朝野两方的国会议员还是可以通过，上下议员组成的贪污事务特别委员会，来扮演他们的角色。

他也承诺，虽然法律没有作出明文规定，但是这个特别委员会将会是由朝野上下议员组成。

设检讨小组研究拒绝原因

此外，纳兹里也表示，为了杜绝“选择性提控”的问题，反贪委员会也必须向一个检讨小组负责，以解释拒绝提控某些案件的原因。

不过，他指出，这个小组是由行政机构设立的架构，而不是由法案授权成立。他也表示，目前尚无法提供进一步详情，包括小组成员。

针对一些国会议员呼吁政府给予反贪委员会官员更好的薪金和福利制度，纳兹里则表示，政府会确保他们获得比其他执法机构更好的待遇。

建议直接赋予独立检控权

此外，两名民联国会议员较后也在委员会阶段提出修改动议，确保反贪委员会能够享有独立的检控权，以及直接向国会负责。

行动党怡保东区国会议员林吉祥（左图）和公正党梳邦国会议员西华拉沙，是援引议会常规第57（2）条文，动议对个别条文进行修改。

为了赋予独立检控权，林吉祥建议修改第5（6）条文，让反贪委员会总监直接拥有刑事程序法典，赋予副检察官的权力。

至于授权总检察长拥有提控的最终决定权的第58条文，他则建议改成直接允许总监有权作出提控。西华也提出类似的建议，他认为这项条文应该直接被删除。

要求规定报告须呈上国会

针对反贪委员会所设的3个监督委员会，林吉祥也建议设立“贪污事务国会委员会”来取代“贪污事务特别委员会”。

两者最大的不同则是，前者是以国会反对党领袖为首，并由下议院根据朝野比例委任7名委员；而后者却是由国会下议院首长（即首相）委任7名上下议员成为委员。

他也建议，“贪污事务国会委员会”必须在每年首季会议，提呈报告汇报常年的运作”。

西华（左图）则建议特别委员会应该反映朝野比例，并规定反贪委员会提呈的年度报告，必须呈上国会进行辩论，和列下所有由委员会处理的案件，以及他们所采取的行动。此外，他也建议，投诉委员会的报告也必须呈上国会。

建议需解释不明来历财产

此外，林吉祥也建议增设第16A条文，规定现任或前任公职人员，如果不向法庭解释不明来历的财产，那么将构成违法。

西华也建议修改7项条文，扩展委员会的调查权力，能够在无需总检察长的批准下，直接展开搜查行动、调查银行户口、查封不动产、截查电话或邮件、扣押旅游证件等等。

不过，由于国阵议员人数占优，民联议员所提出的修改动议都被否决。

巫统署理候选人被指贿选

另一方面，公正党马樟区国会议员赛夫丁在纳兹里总结时也趁机作出指控，称一名巫统署理主席候选人公然在党选中贿选，向党员承诺在中选后愿意付给每周500令吉零用钱，并且提供免费机票和酒店住宿。但是，他并没有点名有关候选人的身份。

他甚至声称，自己已经掌握有关候选人的两位竞选代理，分别是一名前霹雳州行政议员和一名前吉打州巫青团执委，以及行贿的事件和地点。他也透露，这是一名巫统党员向揭露的事实。

不过，纳兹里并没有正面回应赛夫丁的指控，仅解释贪污案件是不会受到期限的限制，即使是10年前的案件问题，反贪委员会也有权处理。
(above picked from http://malaysiakini.com/news/94966)

[Witness Protection Bill] Loopholes.[证人保护法案] 漏洞百出

21th December Malaysiaparty 's [NOW] News of Week

for English version of loopholes, go directly to http://jp3rdparty.blogspot.com/2008/12/malaysiakini-goldenfinger-dive-nowhere.html


12月21日 党讯精選
(转摘自《当今大马》 Malaysiakini ) : http://malaysiakini.com/news/94914

政府呈证人保护法案国会一读
可发新身份证协助建立新生活
王德齐 12月16日 上午11点15分

首相阿都拉的改革法案连番出炉！政府今早再度在国会提呈另外一项新法案——2008年证人保护法案，以为生命受威胁的证人提供制度化的保护。

首相署部长纳兹里今早是在国会下议院，提呈证人保护法案寻求一读。在这项法案之下，政府将会设立证人保护计划（Program Perlindungan Saksi），有权提供新的身份证及工作，以协助证人建立新生活。

总检长定夺是否提供保护

这项计划将会由部长委任一名来自公共领域的总监负责，他有权向总检察长推荐某个证人，列入证人保护计划之内，以及为有关证人提供或安排任何必要的保护。

至于总检察长将会负责决定是否接纳有关推荐，不满者也可以在14天内进一步向部长提出书面上诉。法案也规定有关提出申请的人士，在上诉期间能够继续获得保护。
my curious: [If the A.G. abuse his power in such a case which not in favour to him and threaten the informer/witness -

"if you want to proceed in this case, fine. Then I have the right to decline your application" !]

有权寻求保护的证人包括，那些同意在刑事案件审讯作证的人士、或是提供证据或情报的人士，以及他们的亲友。

他们可以自行或通过执法机构，向总监申请列入政府保护计划内，而总监有权在申请期间提供临时的保护和援助。

依据八因素考量是否推荐

第8条文也规定提出申请的证人，必须呈报完整和正确的背景资料与个人状况，包括犯案纪录、欠债、法律责任、国籍、健康状况等资料。总监也可要求有关证人进行医疗、心理和精神科检验。

如果被发现提供虚假资料或有任何隐瞒，有关证人一旦罪成将会面对最高一万令吉的罚款，或五年监禁的惩罚。

而总监将考量以下因素，以决定是否推荐某个证人纳入保护计划之内：
（一）证人是否拥有犯案纪录，特别是暴力案件，以及有关记录是否显示证人列入保护会对公众构成威胁；
（二）医疗、心理和精神科检验结果；
（三）与证人供词或证据有关的案件的严重程度；
（四）证人供词或证据的性质和重要程度；
（五）是否有其他方式保护证人；
（六）证人所面对的威胁；
（七）证人与获得保护的其他证人的关系；
（八）其他总监认为重要的因素。

有权发新身份证提供工作

第13条文则规定，总监有权采取任何适合与合理的行动，来保障证人保护计划参与者的安全和生活。这些行动包括：
（一）提供住宿给参与者；
（二）重新安置参与者；
（三）申请任何文件来协助参与者建立新的身份；
（四）如果参与者在加入计划前拥有工作，总监可以提供与他收入相符的款项，以及参与者有权享受的加薪；
（五）如果参与者在加入计划前没有工作，总监可以提供合理的生活费给参与者和家属，以及其他适当的财务援助；
（六）提供重新安置的费用；
（七）协助参与者获得工作和教育；
（八）提供其他援助让参与者自立；
（九）提供其他总监认为必要的援助；

my questionaire:

[1. Will there be any monitoring superior or guide to prevent the Director from abuse his power by issuing new IC to illegally ? - and don't tell me that the Minister is taking charge in monitoring his job] ;

[2. A complot to politically allege somebody in order to "pull him down from high post" and provide benefit to witness(in their favour) to find a new job which earned him more income?] ... who will decline this offer ?

第6条文规定，在总监的要求下，任何人都有责任提供任何证词、记录、文件或任何援助，来协助总监完成任务。否则，他们可面临最高6个月的监禁，或3千令吉的罚款。

不过，法案也明文规定，总监不可将并非来自沙巴或砂拉越的参与者，重新安置到有关州属。

供虚假讯息可被撤销保护

此外，在特定情况下,总监也有权力向总检察长推荐，中止继续提供保护给参与者。这些情况包括：
（一）参与者刻意提供虚假或误导性的资料；
（二）总监认为参与者的行径可能影响证人保护计划的公信力；
（三）情况显示证人不再需要受到保护；
（四）总监拥有合理理由认为证人无需继续受到保护。

总检察长首先会给予参与者辩护的机会，然后再决定是否撤销保护。不满者同样有权在14天内，向部长提出书面上诉。

参与者名册记录相关资料

此外，部长也会委任一名证人保护注册官（Registrar of Witness Protection），来处理参与者名册（Register of Participants）。

有关名册将记录参与者的原有身份，以及新身份的相关资料。注册官也会储存新旧身份的出生纸、身份证、结婚证明书，以及其他相关文件。

my questionaire:
how can this booklet which contain the participants' origin identity and new identity (which inclusive of their birth certificate, I/C, marriage certificate and other relevant documents) to be handled by somebody who "might" be NOT integrity (as perception by most of the people that - a corrupted officer "again" appointed by a corrupted government "again" ? ; and anticipation by people that a clean government to be reformed "soon") !


第12条文也规定，除了部长、总检察长、总监和任何获得总监授权的人士，任何人都不可接触名册和有关文件。

此外，有关名册也不可以呈上任何法庭、仲裁庭或委员会。否则，一旦罪成，有关人士将面对最高20年的监禁。

若官员泄密可被监禁20年

为了保护证人的身份，法案也严厉规定涉及这项计划的官员都有责任保密，否则将面临最高20年监禁的惩罚。

至于证人保护计划参与者或前参与者，他们同样被禁止透露自己的身份，以及任何有关计划的资料。否则一旦罪成，可面临最高10年监禁的惩罚。

此外，证人保护计划总监和其官员也没有责任向法庭、仲裁庭或委员会提供或透露，他们在职务范围获取的资料或文件。

不过，如果法官或推事需要获知有关证人的地点和情况来作出裁决，那么有关官员必须是在法官办公室内透露有关资讯，而且不得有第三者在场。

法案也规定，除非是基于公正原则，任何法庭审讯、仲裁庭或委员会听证会，如果涉及受到保护证人，都必须以闭门方式进行，以及作出指令确保证人的身份不会曝光。违反指令者将面临最高10年监禁，或5万令吉罚款的惩罚。

所做决定不可被司法检讨

另一方面，第23条文也规定，部长、总检察长和总监所作出的任何决定，都不可带上法庭进行司法检讨。

第24条文也为官员提供保护，只要他们的行动是在善意、拥有合理理由，以及旨在执行法令的情况下进行，他们就可以免予受到提控或起诉。

此外，根据第28条文，这项法案不会削弱警方在警察法令下，为证人提供保护和援助的权力。

第29条文也规定，总监必须最迟在每年3月31日提呈年度报告给部长，以汇报有关计划的运作。此外，他们也可以在必要时提呈特别报告。
(part of the above picked from http://malaysiakini.com/news/94914)
----------------------------------------------------------
RELATED article:
1. goldedFinger Dive Nowhere by { JP }

选举前耍戏 . 阿都拉辟谣 [不退位].[粮食治安].[森那美欲购 IJN]

21th December Malaysiaparty 's [SPot] Special Report
(picked from Malaysiakini.com) : http://www.malaysiakini.com/news/95107

12月21日 专题报导
(转摘自《当今大马》 Malaysiakini ) : http://www.malaysiakini.com/news/95107

首相辟谣否认拒绝退位传言
警告2009年并非“安逸年”
王德齐 | 12月18日 傍晚7点23分

虽然阿都拉已宣布会在明年3月巫统党选后交棒给副手纳吉，但是指他不会如期辞去首相职的传言始终没有平息。阿都拉今午再度开腔，驳斥这只是“谣言”。

此外，阿都拉在国会大厦召开新闻发布会时也表示，他目前不会重组内阁，不过他尚不知道未来是不是会这么做。

“我一直来都是谣言对象”

前首相马哈迪是在本月初突然在部落格揭露说，坊间传闻阿都拉恋栈首相的宝座，因此就算纳吉出任巫统主席，但也不一定当得成首相。

他更分析说，虽然通常只要国阵继续成功执政，巫统主席将自动成为我国首相；但这只是一种惯例，只要获得大部分下议院议员信任，其他不是巫统主席的领袖也能够出任首相。

受询及不会如期在明年3月退位的传言，阿都拉首先反问记者这是来自哪里的传言。当记者回答是《马来西亚内幕者》，他则笑称“哦！马来西亚内幕者......他们是怎样知道呢？”

不过，阿都拉随后正色驳斥说，“谣言就是谣言，我从以前到现在就是谣言的对象，有各种各样的传言”。

针对是否会改革内阁的问题，他则表示，“我还不知道会不会这么做，但是目前是没有”。

优先处理粮食治安问题

针对我国经济可能会在明年陷入衰退，阿拉丁却表示，我国经济今年依然能够成长超过5%，但是他也警告说2009年并非是“安逸的一年”。

他解释，在内需成长8%的情况下，我国第3季经济成长4.7%，因此就算最后一季只是成长2%或2.5%，我国成长今年依然会超过5%。

但是，他随后话锋一转指出，“这不意味着2009年会是我们安逸的一年，我们必须加强有潜力成长的领域，包括旅游、银行、农业”。

阿都拉也指出，两项最重要问题则是粮食与治安问题，政府必须确保人民拥有足够的粮食，以及人民生活不会陷入恐惧。

“在这个困难的情况，我要求粮食是足够的，不能买新衣不重要，不能买新车不重要，不能换新沙发不重要，但我们必须为人民准备足够的粮食。”

“我们也必须确保人民能够免于威胁他们安全的恐惧，我们要人民觉得安全，以及没有任何东西能够威胁他们。”

明年2月呈警察监督法案

在下议院通过大马反贪污委员会法案和司法委员会法案后，阿都拉也表示，政府将在明年2月国会会议提呈有关警察监督的法案。

不过，阿都拉并没有清楚表明，这项法案所设立的机构会是具有实权的独立警察投诉与行为不检委员会（IPCMC，简称独委会），还是“渗水”后的特别投诉委员会（SCC，简称投委会）。

“这项法案会的确是和当初建议的独委会有关，但是有一些建议是要求这项法案最好能涵盖警方和其他执法机关。”

首相也驳斥民联议员对这两项改革法案违宪的质疑，以及其改革承诺无法持续下去的声音。

“害怕的人，还是会感到害怕；不怀好意的人，还是会不怀好意；斜眼看东西的人，还是会斜着眼睛。我相信大多数人民还是会了解和支持政府的用意。”

为国家心脏中心私营化护航

针对森那美欲收购国家心脏中心的消息，虽然阿都拉安抚说，他会慎重考虑各项因素才作出决定，以及最重要确保所有人民能够享有优越的医药服务，但是他在言谈之间似乎也为这项交易护航。

首相指出，一些人之所以会反对这项交易，是因为认为国家心脏中心变成私人医院后，就会征收高昂的医疗收费，导致低收入者无法享受医药服务。

“但是，如果接管的人能够给予保证，那么我们对于这项交易就不会持有那么坚持反对的看法。这其实是视乎许多条件。”

阿都拉也辩称，如果要提升医院的服务，就必须投入最好的器材和人才，但这必须花费许多开销。

“如果私人界能够和政府紧密合作是最好，况且森那美也是一家官联公司。”

询及政府是否已经不能继续承担国家心脏中心的花费，阿都拉则驳斥说，这不是政府能不能承担的问题，而是分配资源的问题。

“如果有人能够协助（扩展医院），这有什么错呢？如果政府有（更多资源），也可以去其他地方建立医院，比如在吉隆坡之外。”

不知南北大道明年会否起价

此外，阿都拉也表示对南北大道，是否会在明年初调高过路费不知情。

询及还有两个星期就进入2009年，今年没有调整过路费的南北大道是否会明年怎么做时，他说，“我不知道，我尚没有听闻任何消息”。
(above picked from http://malaysiakini.com/news/95107)

Pak Lah Willing to Step Down or NOT ?

15th December Malaysiaparty 's [NOW] News of Week
(picked from themalaysianinsider.com) :
http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/index.php/malaysia/13890-so-is-he-going-or-staying

So, is he going... or staying?
DEC 8 — Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang says that Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi should only step down as Prime Minister once he has fulfilled his slew of promises to Malaysians.

Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah says that Abdullah can stay on as Prime Minister even if he is no longer the Umno president.

Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad says that there is every possibility that Abdullah will go back on his word and remain in the top job after party elections in March.

What's happening? What is driving this sudden examination and speculation of Abdullah's options? Is Abdullah reconsidering his retirement plans?

The short answer to the last question appears to be NO. Sources told The Malaysian Insider that Abdullah has already made plans for his post-Prime Minister days. He will shift out of Seri Perdana and move into a kampung-style house in Sungai Penchala, on the outskirts of Kuala Lumpur. As for filling up his retirement days, he has told his friends that he would like to spend time strengthening ties between Malaysia and the Middle East.

His staff members are also looking ahead and counting the days. Some of them are scouting for employment while members of the security detail will return to the general pool. The consensus is that Abdullah is at peace with the decision to hand over power to Datuk Seri Najib Razak at the party annual assembly in March 2009.

"He seems much happier than he was in the last few months. The mess after the March elections really weighed him down, with calls for him to step down and the back-biting and political back-stabbing. Now he looks relaxed and healthier… I think he accepts that his time is up, '' said a senior Umno official, who spoke on condition of anonymity.

Will he change his mind? No, says his supporters and friends. They say that it is important for Abdullah to be remembered as a man of his word. Also, he does not have a clinical streak in him or the temperament to go against convention, all very necessary tools if he wants to hold onto to the premiership beyond March.

After he has ushered in the legislation for the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Bill, the Judicial Appointments Commission and the special tribunal for enforcement agencies and widened the social security net to cover more than 100,000 households, he will step down. But this will not stop speculation by the cheerleaders from the sidelines or the doubters.

Malaysiakini for this =>
Pas president Abdul Hadi said that the Islamic party would like Abdullah to stay on as Prime Minister until his main tasks were fulfilled. He noted that the MCAC had not been tabled in Parliament while the other reforms which the Prime Minister promised Malaysians were only in infancy stage.

He also felt that Abdullah should overhaul the Election Commission which still was not credible in the eyes of many Malaysians. "He should only go after overcoming the weaknesses and shortcomings of this body which oversees elections, '' said the MP for Marang.

Not difficult to see why Hadi has suddenly become a fan of Abdullah's. He and other Opposition politicians know that there will be chaos in Umno and Barisan Nasional if Abdullah does not vacate his office in Putrajaya as planned. Pakatan Rakyat politicians sense that with the transition issue settled, Umno seems to have become a more settled political animal, a more dangerous foe. Nurturing the idea of Abdullah staying on as Prime Minister will certainly help knock the party off its stride and keep it unbalanced for some time to come.

Last week, Tengku Razaleigh said that there was nothing to stop Abdullah from staying on a PM, noting that he had received the mandate in March to stay on for five years more. "He commands the confidence of the majority of the MPs. And the Prime Minister is appointed by the King and not the Umno General Assembly,'' said the Kelantan prince and former Finance Minister.

As tempting as this idea is, it may not move Abdullah. The reason: he needs to be embraced and loved by his party. He never wants to be viewed as a usurper of the party's collective will. He did not contest the party elections and therefore will no longer have its mandate to rule. He may have the mandate from Malaysians but not the mandate from his party. That distinction is all important to him.

In a recent interview with The Sun, he was asked why he did not use the 90 per cent approval rating in 2004 to push through reforms. He said that having the support of Malaysians was one thing but precious to him was the endorsement of his party.

In the eyes of many party men including Abdullah, Najib, who was elected party president by the Umno divisions, has the mandate to lead the party and the country.
(above picked from http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/index.php/malaysia/13890-so-is-he-going-or-staying)

Who is the NO.2 (DPM ?) choice preference of Najib ?

15th December Malaysiaparty 's [NOW] News of Week
(picked from themalaysianinsider.com) :
http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/index.php/malaysia/13807-dr-m-spooking-najib-to-go-his-way

Dr M spooking Najib to go his way
COMMENTARY
DEC 6 — Here we go again.

That must be the sentiment being felt by Prime-Minister-in-waiting Datuk Seri Najib Razak and his band of supporters in recent days after Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad ratcheted up pressure on him to become his “own man” and support certain aspirants to senior positions in Umno.
Malaysiakini to post on this ==>

The Deputy Prime Minister knows that the caustic comments and biting statements will not stop until the party elections are over in March or until he gives his full backing to candidates endorsed by Dr Mahathir.

On the flip side, he also has to accept that showing favour to one set of candidates or becoming a proxy for the former prime minister could provoke other candidates to go for broke and destroy any sense of stability in a ruling party already knee deep in controversy and facing an important by-election on Jan 17.

Running through Dr Mahathir’s recent statements and postings on his blog, he appears peeved that Najib has become too comfortable with the transition plan and not assertive enough in supporting Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin as his choice for the number two position in Umno.

Muhyiddin, who played a significant role in building up momentum for Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s ouster, has been Dr Mahathir’s only choice for the number two position.

He is up against Malacca Chief Minister Datuk Mohd Ali Rustam and Rural Development Minister Tan Sri Muhammad Muhammad Taib for the deputy president’s position.

Dr Mahathir is also partial to his son Datuk Muhkriz Mahathir being elected Umno Youth chief over Khairy Jamaluddin and Datuk Seri Dr Khir Toyo.

In a posting on his blog, he accused Abdullah of busy campaigning for his chosen candidates for the posts of deputy president, Wanita chief and Youth chief, noting that winners will be rewarded with appointments as ministers.

“Najib is going to be surrounded by Abdullah's people and through these people Abdullah will control the government of Najib. Najib has already abandoned Muhyiddin, the fierce critic of Abdullah. He does not want to incur the displeasure of his boss. Would he refuse to appoint Abdullah's nominees? Would he dare go against them?” he provoked.

Several days ago, he suggested that Najib may end up as the president of Umno but Abdullah will hold the ultimate prize — the prime ministership.

In an interview with Riz Khan on Al Jazeera, he followed up with another observation, noting that Najib is “more a follower than a leader and must change that.”

These statements are designed to spook Najib and his supporters and provoke them into action, namely showing clear support for candidates with antipathy towards Abdullah.

These statements must also be read together with the warning by Dr Mahathir to expose election candidates who he believes are guilty of buying support.

In his opinion, Muhyiddin should be a shoo-in for the number two job.

Instead, he appears to be in a dog fight with Ali and Muhammad Taib, two candidates said to be close to Abdullah.

Sources told The Malaysian Insider that Najib may prefer Muhyiddin over the other two candidates but will not publicly endorse anyone contesting the party elections.

The reason: he believes that it could complicate efforts to restore unity to the party after March.

Also, it is too early in the game to be showing his hand.

The party polls are a good four months away and no candidate in any category is an overwhelming favourite.

Finally, if Najib endorses any candidate or a slate of candidates, he runs the risk of exposing himself to fire from those left out of the equation.

Given the poisonous mood in the party, the return fire could be damaging.

So for the time being at least, staying on the sidelines makes sense for Najib.

Only problem is that Dr Mahathir is not going to be silent.
(above picked from http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/index.php/malaysia/13807-dr-m-spooking-najib-to-go-his-way)

阿都拉无意下台 . 传 1

15th December Malaysiaparty 's [NOW] News of Week
(picked from Malaysiakini.com) : http://malaysiakini.com/news/94171

12月15日 党讯精選
(转摘自《当今大马》 Malaysiakini ) : http://malaysiakini.com/news/94171

声称纳吉有可能当不成首相
马哈迪：传阿都拉无意下台
12月2日 下午4点46分

尽管大家都认定副首相纳吉将在明年3月接棒成为第六任首相，但是前首相马哈迪今日却突然表示，坊间传闻阿都拉恋栈首相的宝座，因此就算纳吉出任巫统主席，但也不一定当得成首相。

马哈迪表示，虽然通常只要国阵继续成功执政，巫统主席将自动成为我国首相；但这只是一种惯例，只要获得大部分下议院议员信任，其他不是巫统主席的领袖也能够出任首相。

举例民联党魁未当州务大臣

他甚至以在野党为例子，一些出任州务大臣或首席部长的领袖都不是一党之首，例如吉兰丹州务大臣是聂阿兹而不是回教党主席哈迪阿旺，行动党领袖林吉祥也没有担任槟城首席部长。

他说，就连人民联盟领袖安华也没有领导任何民联执政的州属。

根据上述逻辑推敲，马哈迪表示，目前有炽热传言，就算纳吉接任巫统主席一职，但是也不一定能够当得成首相。

“听到的消息是，阿都拉仍然有兴趣继续出任首相。”

纳吉保证不重返马哈迪主义

已经广泛被视为候任首相的纳吉，昨日接受半岛电视台访问时，保证在他执政后不会重返马哈迪主义；结果，马哈迪今日突然通过部落格放话，声称纳吉可能无法如愿接任首相的宝座。

马哈迪表示，从许多巫统领袖与党员的态度来看，这种可能性并不出奇，因为他们已经习惯阿都拉的领导，并且从中得到益处。

阿都拉续任将激发政局动荡

不过，马哈迪表示，如果阿都拉继续出任首相，可能会激发人民对巫统及国阵的憎恨，导致政局持续动荡直到大选为止。

“当大选来临，大部分人民将会推翻巫统与国阵。”

他继称，尽管人们无意支持在野党，但是他们却别无他选，因为巫统已经成为一个由许多贪污领袖领导的政党。

警告若贪污者中选将被推翻

为了避免贪污的领袖领导国家，马哈迪表示，国人必须趁早告诉巫统与领导层，即一旦那些众所周知涉及贪污的领袖在明年3月巫统党选中胜出，届时国人将会推翻巫统。

“同样的，如果阿都拉在2009年3月后想要继续出任首相，人民必须明确的讯息，即巫统与国阵将被推翻。”

“巫统内的贪污领袖与破坏者，不应该获得权力来领导这个挚爱的国家。”

马哈迪继称，阿都拉过去5年领导国家期间已经造成巨大的破坏，一旦未来政府领袖全部都是贪污者，这对巫统与国家的伤害将是无法想象的。

新加坡马来人成他族“奴役”

他说，目前在巫统有人这么想：本届党选将是他们最后一次受贿的机会，因此他们不能错过这个机会，因为日后可能再也没有这种机会了。

“对他们来说，巫统、民族与国家的命运都不是他们的问题，他们只要有机会就不能够放过，哪怕是区区的100令吉。”

他说，如果日后马来西亚的马来人落得好像新加坡马来人的地位，成为其他种族的“奴役”，上述人士将受到后代的批评。

“如果马来人情愿接受贿赂而不捍卫民族权力，那么这就是马来人未来的命运.
(above picked from http://malaysiakini.com/news/94171)

Ruling Coalition Urging to Have ELECTED BN Top Posts

18th October Malaysiaparty 's pick of to-day
(picked from thestar.com) : http://thestar.com.my/news/story.asp?file=/2008/10/18/nation/20081018131136&sec=nation

Have election for Barisan top posts: Kayveas
By TEH ENG HOCK

KUALA LUMPUR: Barisan Nasional should have an internal election to pick the top office bearers, proposed PPP president Datuk M. Kayveas.

He said it would be good to have a chance to pick the coalition’s leadership, especially the top four posts - chairman, deputy chairman, secretary-general and treasurer.

“It is better to have an election for Barisan; we can nominate names.
If we agree Umno becomes chairman, then okay.
If MCA or other parties get the deputy chairmanship, it is also no problem."

“The positions of secretary-general and treasurer should also be contested by other parties. Maybe there are parties in Sabah and Sarawak who are rich and can become treasurer,” he said.

Kayveas was responding to MCA Youth’s suggestion that the Barisan deputy chairmanship slot be expanded to two positions, with one of them held by MCA due to the party’s seniority and size in the coalition.

“Now there’s no election, so definitely the biggest party becomes chairman. There is nothing wrong with having a small election in Barisan,” he said.

He said the number of delegates for the Barisan election should be fairly distributed, with all component parties having an equal number.

He also said it was not fair to just allocate the second deputy chairman spot to MCA, as other parties should also have a chance to hold the post.

“If MCA has a new president, then he becomes the Barisan deputy chairman.
That is also not fair. There are presidents of component parties who have been there for more than 10 years and should be given a chance,” he said.

Kayveas said it was also time to have a Deputy Prime Minister who is a non-Malay, saying that Umno cannot run the country and form the Government on its own.

On Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s statement that Umno does not bully other Barisan component parties, he said there was a need to change the perception that Umno is a bully.
(picked from thestar.com at http://thestar.com.my/news/story.asp?file=/2008/10/18/nation/20081018131136&sec=nation)
Any related news about this at Malaysiakini ?
not yet.

Muhyiddin Motion to Finish off PM

18th October Malaysiaparty 's pick of to-day
(picked from themalaysianinsider.com) : http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/index.php/malaysia/10624-muhyiddin-

Muhyiddin moves to finish off PM

COMMENTARY
OCT 16 - Buoyed by the overwhelming lead he has secured for the deputypresidency after the first week of nominations from Umno divisions, Tan SriMuhyiddin Yassin has moved to land a fatal blow on Prime Minister Datuk SeriAbdullah Ahmad Badawi.Under the latest, and what many thought was the final version of thetransition plan, Abdullah announced that he would not stand for re-electionin Umno and hand over power when the party's annual congress officiallyelects its new leader in March.Following Abdullah's announcement, as planned, Datuk Seri Najib Razak, iscruising towards an uncontested win with no one else managing to secure anomination for the top post thus far. For many in Umno, it is already aforegone conclusion that Najib and Muhyiddin will be the next leadershippair of the party and government.But until now, there was also widespread acceptance for the postponement ofthe party congress from December to March in order to give Abdullah sometime to finish his promised reforms. It seems that even that is now underquestion.When met by reporters today, Muhyiddin said that the campaign period was toolong and that this would affect the official work of ministers and deputyministers aspiring for posts in the party.Reading between the lines of Muhyiddin's statement is a clear move to oustAbdullah earlier.Muhyiddin has been at the forefront of the campaign to get Abdullah toresign after the March general election which initially resulted in the 2010formula, and then when Muhyiddin felt that he could push it further, hesucceeded in orchestrating calls for an earlier handover which finally ledto the March 2009 agreement where Abdullah would step down as Prime Ministerafter the party congress.Now, Muhyiddin is at it again. Perhaps confident that he has no realchallenger for the deputy presidency considering his nearest rival, MalaccaChief Minister Datuk Seri Mohamed Ali Rustam, is trailing far behind innomination numbers, Muhyiddin is now going for the kill by appealing to Umnomembers to exert pressure once again on the leadership to bring the date ofthe congress forward and hence get Abdullah out quicker.The move is calculated to give an advantage to the current frontrunners whoare all perceived to be aligned to the Najib-Muhyiddin ticket -vice-president aspirants Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein and Datuk SeriShafie Apdal, and Datuk Mukhriz Mahathir who is leading the race for theYouth leadership.The quicker the congress, where delegates will elect those who make it pastthe nomination stage, the better the chances are for these frontrunners. Ifthe congress takes place in March 2009 as scheduled, sentiment can turnagainst those who have taken an early lead.However, the main point behind Muhyiddin's latest move is that it isdesigned to cut short Abdullah's extra time in office. It is possible thatthe latest round of political attacks on Najib has created a sense that thetransition must happen quicker before any more damage is done to theincoming premier.Many Najib supporters feel that he will be better able to handle theaccusations if he is already the Prime Minister and that March may be toofar away. For Muhyiddin, an earlier Abdullah exit will also see himappointed as Deputy Prime Minister quicker.Muhyiddin's latest statement comes a few days after a telling photograph waspublished in a leading Malay-language daily of him, Najib and former premierTun Dr Mahathir Mohamad sitting together at a Hari Raya open house.For political observers, the photograph spoke not just a thousand, but amillion words. Dr Mahathir wants nothing more than Abdullah being booted outof office sooner than later.It seems Muhyiddin is about to deliver that for the man who has come out invocal support for him as Najib's deputy.
(picked from themalaysianinsider at http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/index.php/malaysia/10624-muhyiddin-)

慕尤定发动“倒拉”第三波攻击

10月18日 党讯精選
(转摘自《当今大马》 Malaysiakini ) : http://www.malaysiakini.com/news/91488

慕尤定发动“倒拉”第三波攻击
马哈迪策划阿都拉12月下台？
10月17日 傍晚7点46分

在10月初领头逼宫，施压首相阿都拉将2010年交棒计划提前至明年3月后，“倒拉”急先锋慕尤丁最近再次出手发动第三度逼宫，使到已经提前到明年3月底巫统权力转移计划似乎并未尘埃落定，还会有变。

相信慕尤丁的举动与近期纳吉频频遭受丑闻攻击，唯恐交棒计划有变；
同时也基于“纳慕配”及马哈迪幼子慕克里兹等亲马哈迪派系，正在党选提名中处于领先优势，先下手为强缩短竞选期，避免夜长梦多。

不过政坛传闻，马哈迪才是在幕后一手策划阿都拉提前下台的操盘手。

托词4个月竞选期打击工作
国际贸易与工业部长慕尤丁昨晚（16日）公开透露希望加快交棒的意愿。他在参加一项开幕活动时向媒体表示，巫统4个月的竞选期太漫长了，将会耗费候选人的精力，尤其是那些拥有官职的领导人。他解释说，“我这样说，因为其他许多人也拥有同样的担忧，怕引起金钱政治，同时空耗资源和精力。”
“一些角逐党职的候选人开始有担忧，因为这此是党选时段最久的一次。为了要配合交棒计划，我们出现了前所未有的4个月竞选期。”慕尤丁更直言，“一个月的竞选期已经足够了。”新加坡发动第一波“倒拉”行动慕尤丁是于9月10日选择在新加坡给阿都拉发出攻击的第一枪，认为2010年交棒计划，时间太长，而公开促请阿都拉考虑提早下台，好让其接班人有充裕的时间来筹备下届大选。由于国阵在308大选首次痛失三分二多数议席及5州政权，阿都拉为了缓和下台压力，不得不安抚其副手纳吉，并在今年7月宣布与副首相纳吉达致移交权力协议，将在2010年6月把巫统主席兼首相的位子交给纳吉接班。根据媒体的报道，阿都拉对于慕尤丁“背后插刀”的逼宫行为，感到十分震怒，因为其内阁成员竟然站出来反对先前已经同意的交棒计划，甚至计划革除其部长职，唯最后在纳吉的劝说下未有进一步的训诫行动，导致种下祸根。在交棒计划中一无所获的慕尤丁，逐步靠向马哈迪等“倒阿都拉”派系早有迹可寻。他曾经极力劝说在今年5月退党的马哈迪重返巫统，更一度被马哈迪凑合一早摆明要挑战巫统主席职的东姑拉沙里，组成一个梦幻团队，来联手对抗阿都拉及纳吉的配对。而这也是成为马哈迪要挟纳吉疏离阿都拉，甚至支持逼宫的利器。
第二波攻击：4最高理事联手摊牌随后慕尤丁更在9月底的巫统特别最高理事会上，联合3名重要的最高理事成员联手向阿都拉摊牌，发到第二次的逼宫行动。这3人是巫青团长兼教育部长希山慕丁、妇女组主席兼前任贸工部长拉菲达，以及代表拥有最多巫统区部的沙巴州巫统联委会署理主席兼文物部长沙菲益。
随着这项逼宫行动，纳吉派系也加紧施压，导致首相阿都拉在10月8日举行的巫统最高理事会上，正式宣布放弃在明年3月巫统党选中蝉联主席职，届时也将卸下首相职，交由纳吉接棒。分析指出，阿都拉决定放弃蝉联的原因，在于避免与纳吉正面冲突角逐巫统主席职，进而导致巫统酝酿大分裂，让党外的敌人——安华和民联坐收渔翁之利。不过，在两次逼宫成功后，慕尤丁为何仍咄咄逼人，不能多等几个月呢？一种说法是避免交棒计划生变，夜长梦多，第二是要阻止阿都拉卸任前的三大改革计划，第三则是基于党选提名形势一片大好，缩短党选期避免对手翻盘逆转。纳吉遭弊案打击岌岌可危自从阿都拉宣布明年3月交棒予纳吉之后，纳吉立即遭受连串的丑闻攻击，包括《今日马来西亚》网站刊登指控他干预蒙古女郎炸尸案审讯的手机短讯内容，以及新近爆发的国防部欧洲直升机军购舞弊案疑云。而其政治宿敌国会反对党领袖安华（左图），更不断藉几项备受争议的决策，包括马电讯的113亿宽频合同、财政部的印尼国际银行收购案以及国防部欧洲直升机军购案，接连追击纳吉。这导致纳吉一周以来皆回避媒体及不肯出席国会面对在野党对质。
而已宣布要竞选巫统署理主席慕尤丁，一早摆明车马就是纳吉的“最佳老二”，要组成“纳慕配”。被亲阿都拉新闻网站《马来西亚内幕者》形容为纳吉代言人及忠心扮演攻击犬角色的慕尤丁，在目睹党内外政敌似乎正在联手围剿纳吉的形势后，自然不会保持沉默。因此他利用阿都拉已经成为跛脚鸭的形势，第三次出手，以伺机取消展延党选为由，施压阿都拉提前12月下台，旨是为了避免交棒计划夜长梦多，让煮熟的鸭子飞走了。政治分析家同意，另一个施压阿都拉提前下台的原因，不外是阻扰落实阿都拉卸任前要完成的三大制度性改革，即委任法官司法委员会、反贪委员会及特别投诉委员会。巫统派阀普遍认为国阵在308大选遭遇前所未有的挫败，主要是基于阿都拉过于开放所导致，迟迟不肯认同这些改革。更何况，目前被视为马哈迪属意人选的纳吉即将掌权，因此过去通过高压手段操控一切的“马哈迪主义”也有回潮的趋势，还何须改革放弃主导权？当然这也意味着阿都拉信誓旦旦卸任前要落实到改革计划势必落空。
党选情势大好杜绝翻盘此外，随着两次逼宫成功后，“纳慕配”已经成为党内主流共识。因此趁机缩短竞选期，让其他的竞争对手毫无无翻盘逆转的机会，可说是百利而无一害。纳吉的党主席提名至今毫无出现对手，东姑拉沙里仍未获任何区部的提名。而慕尤丁角逐署理主席也是大热门，最接近的对手即马六甲首席部长兼副主席莫哈末阿里（Mohd Ali Rustam）所获得的提名数目远远不如他。
另外，取消展延党选对“纳慕配”阵营有利，这包括在提名榜上领先的副主席竞争者，希山慕丁、沙菲益阿达（Shafie Apdal）以及纳吉的亲信阿末扎希，甚至包括压倒阿都拉女婿凯里的巫青团团长候选人，马哈迪幼子慕克里兹（Mukhriz Mahathir）。三人合照“一图胜千言”有趣的是，就在慕尤丁呛声前不久，马来报章就大篇幅刊登他、纳吉及马哈迪在一场开斋节门户开放活动中，并肩而坐的照片。政治观察家认为，这张照片可谓“一图胜千言”，吐露出重要讯息即马哈迪就第三次逼宫行动的幕后操盘手。
纳吉遭弊案打击岌岌可危
阿都拉三大改革势必落空
党选情势大好杜绝翻盘
(picked from Malaysiakini at http://www.malaysiakini.com/news/91488)

Political Reviews After PakLah Announcement of StepDown

*Poor..Poor..Poor performance in his 5years ruling period*
This was the majority political reviews after Abdullah announcement in stepping-down as UMNO president next March.

The only change that this current Prime Minister brought to Malaysian today is that we are having larger space and freedom of speech where this was rarely found in the ruling power of the former PM.
And this considered as a compliment for Pak Lah as he himself even unexpected this change!


10月09日 党讯精選
(转摘自《当今大马》 Malaysiakini ) : http://malaysiakini.com/news/90927

阿都拉政绩乏善可陈辜负民意
无意促成两线制变戈尔巴乔夫
李永杰及王德齐 10月9日 1点11分

首相阿都拉今日宣布不蝉联主席职，也会在明年３月卸下首相职，交由副首相纳吉接棒。

民间党团一般认为，阿都拉在位期间政绩奇缺，尽管在2004年获大空前的民意委托，但是一切的改革宣示最终证明是一场空。
不过他们都似乎肯定，阿都拉在无意之间打开了马来西亚的民主空间，促成两线制的雏形，成为消极的“戈尔巴乔夫”。

陈亚才：一贯正派坦荡人物
隆雪华堂执行长陈亚才认为，首相阿都拉在人格和处事态度是个正派和坦荡的人物，而这样的风格是一贯的，从过去担任内阁部长时期即是如此。

即使在2008年大选遭遇重大挫败，丢失几个州属政权，但是阿都拉却能够维持坦荡的作风，尊重民主选举的结果，没有通过挑拨议题等途径企图推翻选举成绩，所以他对马来西亚的民主化有一定的贡献。

魄力不足让好政策遇阻停顿
然而陈亚才指出，阿都拉拥有三大弱点，第一是魄力不足。

尽管拥有美好意愿，也提出一些良善的政策，如司法改革、反贪、宗教对话等，但是这些政策往往雷声大雨点小，虎头蛇尾。
每每一遇阻力，便停了下来，导致没有任何成果可供人们验收。

女婿凯里嚣张干政不断树敌
其次，阿都拉的女婿凯里也成为他的致命伤。

这位没有官职的年轻人，靠着首相的政治荫蔽，影响力变得比任何部长都要大。

凯里为阿都拉不断在党内外树敌，党内老大如马哈迪对他咬牙切齿，而华社也因为凯里“举剑”嚣张行为而对他反感至极。

另外，陈亚才也批评说，凯里的干预不但没有给阿都拉带来任何的正面政治成效，反而培养了一群新朋党，加重阿都拉的政治包袱。
陈亚才指出，阿都拉第三个弱点是，他缺乏强有力的内阁班底，无论是元老或少壮派都跟他疏离，以致不能够有太大的政治表现。

林冠英：民众肯定首相正直
民主行动党秘书长兼槟州首席部长林冠英也即时发表文告表示，不同于前任首相，阿都拉被逼提早退位及交棒，因此这项来得突然及有损尊严的离开，反映了他弱势的政治地位，也让他失去了在党内的所获得的尊重。

他指出，相反的，民众一般肯定阿都拉为一个正直、甚至极可能是巫统少数仅存的“干净”领袖，因此比其他巫统领袖获得更多的尊重。

吁退位前反贪实施公开招标
林冠英呼吁阿都拉在离开之前，实施公开招标制度，及采取行动对付那些贪污滥权的国阵及巫统领袖，为马来西亚在肃贪的成绩上，作出贡献。

没用高压手段否决308海啸
行动党升旗山国会议员刘镇东认为1999年大选、2004年大选和2008年大选都有一个共同的主题，就是大马需要改革，这反映大马十年来的大选愿望是共同的。

阿都拉在这个过程有看到这点，但是却没有办法实践，因为党意大过民意，而浪费这个历史的契机。

“他担心会变成戈尔巴乔夫，不能保住巫统的整个基业，因此没有办法在大是大非的问题，尤其是反贪污，还有司法独立和克服罪案，没有办法作出大的改革。”

不过，刘镇东认为，大马历史还是会宽容阿都拉，因为他相对开放、开明，在3月8日没有使用高压手段拒绝大选民意，见证了整治大海啸。

如果是纳吉掌权，他们的选择可能就会是不一样。

无意间促成大马政治两线制
刘镇东表示，在这5年，伯拉是无为而治，他在对待媒体相对开明，这不等于他放弃恶法，但是他至少没有去执行这些恶法，以及以高压手段来管理媒体。

这相对马哈迪时代来说肯定是开放。

“因此，他可能是促成大马政治两线制无意的推手。
他不想做戈尔巴乔夫，但是却已经接近戈尔巴乔夫。
巫统当然没有垮，但是却已经遥遥欲坠。”

退位前应专注反贪司改警务
刘镇东觉得阿都拉最应该推动的改革是在反贪污、司法及警务三个项目，这不能是经过许多妥协而拟定的产物，而必须是真地大刀阔斧，在体制上做出改革。

这包括反贪委员会，以及它在国会的地位；还有警务改革，如果他能推动到独立警察投诉与行为不检委员会（IPCMC），那么他就能在历史留下一个重要的地位。

他指出，跛脚鸭不一定完全不能做事，就好像马哈迪一样，人家怕他不走，所以就对他特别的好，要做什么都给他做什么，所以阿都拉应该好好利用这段时间做一些事。

改革一事无成枉费强大民意
国内著名人权组织--人民之声（Suaram）执行总监叶瑞生则认为，首相阿都拉执政成绩单乏善可陈，只有非常表面的改革。

“阿都拉尝试推动改革，也确实有一些成效，例如修改刑事法典，不过这些努力微不足道，体制和结构的改革反而一事无成。”

他遗憾阿都拉尽管在2004年获得空前的民意委托，不过他却不能够藉此推行改革。

“这是他最失败的地方，现在要下台了才来谈推行改革，更加是不可能了。”

卸任前废恶法落实司法改革
无论如何，这位人权活跃人士希望阿都拉可以在下台前，废除或修改种种的恶法，例如内安法令、印刷法令和煽动法令等。

阿都拉也应该确保司法和反贪机构能够恢复独立的地位。

“如果他能够做到的话，至少历史会记得他的贡献，否则他的4年首相任期可说乏善可陈。”

胡逸山：欣赏没有赖着不走
时事评论人胡逸山博士表示，他其实相当赞赏阿都拉，因为在一般民主国家，在朝或在野领袖领导政党在选举面对惨败，他们都会辞职。

虽然阿都拉是在明年3月才辞职，说得不好听是迟了一年，但他肯这么做还是值得赞赏，因为他没有赖着不走。

恶法虽依在但言论空间扩大
胡逸山认为，首相另一项功绩是，他让大马的言论空间更广大，相对在马哈迪时代，媒体都是诚惶诚恐。

在阿都拉上台后，虽然媒体还是受到很大的限制，官方机密法令、内安法令和大专法令等恶法还是有效，但是言论空间真的大了。
这是阿都拉自己没有看到的一大功劳。

给人民希望但最终变成失望
相反地，胡逸山比较不赞赏的是，阿都拉在上台时给了大家很多希望，但是一样都没有做到。

“他说要司法改革，却没有改革到；他说要反贪污，也同样没有做到；他说要帮助穷人，但是沙巴州还是那么贫穷。所以，他才会在308大选输到很惨，期望越大，失望就越大。”

“阿都拉也没有现代化的远见，他没有像马哈迪那样宏伟的愿景，要把国家迈向怎样的方向。这是他一个很大的问题，在这5年不知道国家要走向怎样的方向。”

“民主之父”称号太过抬举
至于是否能够称阿都拉为“民主之父”的问题，胡逸山认为，这个称号过于抬举阿都拉，“他有点像美国的福特总统，他们都是在强势领袖上台之后的领导人。”

“福特是在尼克逊总统后上台，尼克逊的首任副总统也是因为丑闻而下台，结果名不见传的福特突然被提拔上来，尼克逊不久后也宣布辞职。

福特在担任总统短短两年的任期也是没有大成就，他唯一能做到的是恢复民众对经济的信心，但是这点阿都拉也没有做到，政绩平平无奇。”

建议专注完成一改革计划
他在未来几个月内不应该再想发展走廊，反而应该选其中一样改革完成，比如说司法改革、反贪污，或是恶法，那么他就能留芳百世。

“我认为他最应该废除恶法，包括内安法令和官方机密法令，因为反对党肯定会支持，国阵也会为了赢取民意而支持。”

*女婿凯里嚣张干政不断树敌
*没用高压手段否决308海啸
*“民主之父”之称号太过抬举
(above Chinese Mandarin reports picked from Malaysiakini)

No Confidence Motion Concluded Tonight ~ Malaysiakini

Malaysiakini (Mandarin version) reported that Pakatan Rakyat will discuss the No-Confidence Motion (again) against the current Prime Minister tonight.

The discussion held tonight will conclude certain issue in order to raise another No-Confidence Motion against the current PM in the coming Parliament Meeting which scheduled next Monday.

And when asked about the ruling party's power transition conclusion to be announced by the PM soon, Anwar said Najib's capability worst than Abdullah.

And Anwar is totally greating full confidence from those who agreed to cross-over due to certain facts showed that the said transition plan (or steping-down of Abdullah) will flip-flop their initial wills to defect where they will keeping "wait-and-see" observation about the new ruling power.


10月07日 党讯精選
(转摘自《当今大马》 Malaysiakini ) : http://malaysiakini.com/news/90815

民联今晚讨论发动不信任动议
安华指纳吉接棒一蟹不如一蟹
郭史光庆 10月7日 下午3点16分

目前916变天已逾期近1个月，而国会也将在下周一复会，因此民联领袖将在今日召开会议，讨论变天的下一项步骤，包括是否要在国会再次发动不信任动议。

国会反对党领袖安华透露，民联仍未决定如何继续推动变天大计，不过他坚称依然掌握足够的国会议员来接管中央政府，“他们已经答应给我支持，至今都没有反悔”。

另一方面，对于首相阿都拉可能在明年3月交棒给副首相纳吉一事，安华毫不客气地炮轰，纳吉的领导更加不如阿都拉，因为他所接手的是一个贪污腐败病入膏肓的制度。

安华今日前往吉隆坡大使路法庭大厦，出席肛交案审讯后，向记者这么表示。

仍掌握足够议员推动变天
随着巫统即将进行领导层更替，政治分析员认为此举对安华的变天大计是一项沉重打击，因为许多原本有意跳槽的国阵议员将更愿意留下来静观其变，重新评估国阵的前景。

不过安华否认说，“这对我来说不是一项课题，他们（国阵国会议员）已经答应给我支持，至今都没有反悔”。

受询及民联是否将在国会于下周一复会后，再次发动对首相不信任动议时，安华只是重复表示，民联领导层将在今日召开联席会议进行讨论。
“我们会继续讨论各种选择，我们会在今日召开短暂的民联会议。”

据悉，三党最高领导人将在今日傍晚6点召开联席会议。民联曾经在7月10日透过前反对党领袖旺阿兹莎首次向首相发动不信任动议，唯却遭国会下议院议长班迪卡否决申请，结果引起在野党议员集体离席抗议。
这也是我国自独立以来，首次出现国会议员提呈针对首相的不信任动议。

下周一发言评预算案与纳吉
安华也透露，下周一国会复会，将轮到他以国会反对党领袖的身份，针对2009年财政预算案发言。

届时他将触及阿都拉早前所提呈的财政预算案，以及阿都拉交棒给纳吉一事。

针对阿都拉至今仍拒绝会晤安华讨论和平转移政权，安华不改一贯的批评，“不幸的是，首相阿都拉依然拒绝，你可以察觉到他仍未接受事实，即马来西亚是存在反对党的”。

民联党魁分别会晤拉沙里
安华也证实，表态竞选巫统主席职的巫统话望生国会议员东姑拉沙里曾分别与他、行动党国会领袖林吉祥与回教党主席哈迪阿旺会面。

“我们分开会面，我与吉祥与哈迪阿旺。我们讨论一般的课题，包括我们的建议、他的回馈建议，我会继续听取他的意见与回馈。”

相信国家在纳吉领导下更糟
另一方面，对于阿都拉明日可能宣布不蝉联巫统主席职，并在明年退位交棒给纳吉的巫统权力转移计划一事，安华一口咬定纳吉的领导“一蟹不如一蟹”，无力阻止国家进一步走向贪污腐败。

“我不相信纳吉能够挽回支持或公信力，或者管理国家经济与铲除贪污。”

“我们讨论的是一个贪污与腐败的制度，我们讨论的是在阿都拉领导下，错误管理的制度，而我相信在纳吉的领导下，情况会更糟。”

动用内安令者不配领导国家
此外，安华也批评政府动用内安法令对付兴权会领袖的做法，并且表示使用恶法对付兴都教徒的马来人或穆斯林，没有资格领导这个国家。

他表示，兴权会率众前往首相阿都拉的开斋节门户开放活动，并未要示威，而是反对内安法令的残酷。

“我们是马来人，身为穆斯林如果向马来人或兴都教徒残忍的话，这样的马来人是不配领导国家。”

“所有内安法令扣留者必须获得释放，我坚持这个原则。”

他也指责巫统所控制的《马来西亚前锋报》扭曲事实，企图挑起马来人对兴都教徒的不满情绪。
*仍掌握足够议员推动变天
*下周一发言评预算案纳吉
*民联党魁分别会晤拉沙里
(above picked and translated by the 3rd PARTY from Malaysiakini)

Ku Li slap Pak Lah: "Republic of Banana"

Malaysiakini reported that Ku Li slap on Abdullah's plan to postponed the UMNO Annual General Meeting. He prescribed that this motion had make this country like a "Republic of Banana" !

He slap that this motion to postponed and transited power on his (Abdullah) own had make Malaysia a laughingstock.

It's Childish, Undemocratic, Shameful!

(above all translated bt [the 3rd PARTY] from http://malaysiakini.com/news/90466)

This is the story here picked from Malaysiakini (Mandarin version) here,

姑里：私相授受成国际笑柄

另一方面，已宣布将竞选巫统主席职的话望生区部主席东姑拉沙里炮轰最高理事会决定展延党选的做法，并且形容大马犹如一个“香蕉共和国”，讥讽拥有第一世界的设备，却只有第三世界的政治。

香蕉共和国意指由小撮人贪污滥权政客所操纵的不民主政府。

他批评阿都拉与纳吉不顾法律以及对国家造成的伤害，把首相职务这个国家最重大的责任，当作是小孩子游戏来看待，私相授受，令人感到羞耻。

他说，巫统领导层在308大选后，不但没有拟出任何国家经济计划或者改革议程，却仅是为两人专门设计了一个权力转移计划，以面对党选的硬战。

“他们的个人事业看来比国际的前程更加重要。他们已经把马来西亚变成一个国际笑柄。”

(above chinese words picked from http://malaysiakini.com/news/90466)

Tengku Razaleigh's Statement, Sep 23, 2008

Statement by Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah
September 23, 2008

I write this as a Malaysian, as someone who, over forty seven years of political life, has had the privilege of playing some small part in the formation our country, the building of its institutions, and our achievement of a degree of economic sufficiency. I write out of deep concern about the present state of our country.

In the lives of nations as of individuals, there come moments of profound possibility, when the potential for self-transcendence and for self-destruction are simultaneously present.

As before some critical examination in our youth, we come to the daunting realization that we hold our future in our hands, when how we will fare many years hence, and whether we shall flourish or languish, will depend on how we conduct ourselves now, in this small window of time.

We are in a political impasse that threatens to metastasize into a Constitutional crisis. Political crises come and go, but the present crisis might well be the beginning of a cascade of failures leading to long-term instability and destruction.

1. Our impasse occurs at a time of heightened economic, political and security challenges. The global economy faces the prospect of a meltdown on a scale last seen in the Great Depression of the last century. As a trading nation, we are strongly exposed to its effects. Meanwhile, while we seem to have slept, the global economy is undergoing an epic transformation that we must either adapt to or aremarginalized by.

2. This year's ground-shfiting General Election result signaled a public sentiment that cannot be ignored. Malaysians want fundamental change, and they want it now, whether from within the ruling coalition or from outside it. The Malaysian demographic has changed dramatically over the last fifty years. We have seen the birth of a more sophisticated, demanding electorate that has rightly lost patience with incompetence and dishonesty.

3. The grievances of Sabah and Sarawak, which found only partial expression in the General Elections, remain unaddressed. This risks the very integrity of our Federation.

4. Misunderstandings over race and religion are ripe for political exploitation, with potentially disastrous consequences.

Post election promises notwithstanding however, the government now commands even less confidence than it did post March 8.

The public is in near despair over the prospects for change from within the ruling party. Rather than share the public's sense of urgency, our present office-holders have redoubled efforts to frustrate renewal, cut off reform, and silence criticism. These efforts only underscore the weakness of the administration and its will to change.

We can no longer deny that in its present form, and under present leadership, the government, led by the party to which I have given my life, is now structurally and inherently incapable of providing the direction and confidence that the country needs, whether over the long or short term. The indications are there for all to see:

1. The government has been unable to respond to the economic crisis with even a basic plan of action. Business confidence has plummeted as capital flees the country. Our economic policy remains as uncoordinated and directionless as it has been in since the beginning of this administration.

2. The recommendations of two Royal Commissions of Inquiry have been ignored or watered down into insignificance.

3. In this context, Umno's constitutional provision for the renewal of its leadership by triennial elections might have been expected to provide some hope of renewal. Instead of embracing this opportunity, however, the leadership of the party has retreated into the fantasy world of a transition plan which rides roughshod over the party's constitution and the rights of its members. This risible attempt to treat public office and party trust as a private bequest between two individuals, one of whom wishes to hold office beyond his democratic mandate and the other to ascend without one, and the continuing effort to force feed the country with this notion, fools no one. Instead, and against background of rampant money politics, it kills the public's hope of national renewal via Umno. Behind the babble about a transition plan the Prime Minister continues to be subverted by members of his own cabinet and subjected to thinly cloaked power plays to force his resignation.

This resort to a transition plan betrays a disturbing failure to grasp the meaning and purpose of public office. In the more mature society into which we aspire to grow, persons who demonstrate and moreover propagate such disregard for constitutional and democratic process would long ago have been disqualified from public life, let alone from national leadership. The news appears not to have sunk in that the public rejects leaders who shun the open light of democratic contest in favour of staged plays and backroom plots.

Given Umno's core role in national politics, this is a dangerous state of affairs. Meanwhile the Opposition has made undeniable gains in the number of parliamentarians it commands. Beyond the hype and inflation, and regardless of whether Pakatan Rakyat now has the numbers to command a majority, what we cannot doubt is that support for the governing majority continues to erode, and that this erosion continues so long as there is no hope of real change in the type of leadership Umno provides. There is now a credible threat that the present government may at some time fall by a vote of no confidence, or by some otherwise constitutionally legitimate demonstration of parliamentary majority. After fifty-one years of rule by a single party, this is not a possibility that is well understood. It is justifiably viewed with trepidation. Neither sheer denial on the one hand, or inflated claims on the other, help the situation.

To all appearances, we are beginning to lose grip of the rule of law. The use of the Internal Security Act and of Sedition Laws to target particular individuals further erodes the credibility of the government. Our actions exacerbate rather than calm the fear that stokes civil and racial strife. In the present context of a leadership struggle within Umno and against a strong Opposition it is impossible to dispel the notion that these extreme measures are calculated to maintain certain individuals in power rather than to address verifiable threats to national security. Nothing does more to undermine the legitimacy of a government than plainly unjust acts. The ridiculous justifications given for some of these detentions has further undermined public confidence that the awesome powers of state are in safe hands.

We cannot afford to allow these disturbing trends to play out their destructive course while we suffer a de facto leadership vacuum, and while the rule of law is uncertain and the Constitution not upheld.

Against this background I appeal to all parties to come together in humility, beyond party politics, to hold an honest discussion, in the spirit of shared citizenship and with the gravest attitude of common responsibility towards a longsuffering rakyat, about what is happening to our country and how we might agree together on a peaceful way beyond our impasse. We need to come together to find unity and direction out of this dangerous situation. In doing so, we might turn our crisis into an opportunity and renew our unity and sense of direction as Malaysia.

Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah
31 Jalan Langgak Golf
55000 Kuala Lumpur
(picked from Malaysia Central http://www.mycen.com.my/pr/index.html?kuli)
--------------------------------------------------------------

Addullah..Muhyiddin ~ Mahathir 倒数2天 : 倒台行动 1/2 ( 生変 !! )

An Umno leader today advised party leaders and members against calling for the resignation of Umno vice-president Muhyiddin Yassin for calling on Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi to reconsider the 2010 transition of power plan, as reported by Malaysiakini on the Sep 14, 08 3:46pm.

Here was the headline,

Umno leader: Stop asking Muhyiddin to quit
*Supreme council can decide, divisions will determine
*Johari Baharom calls for unity to rehabilitate Umno

read more at http://www.malaysiakini.com/news/89689

--------------------------------------------------------------

This was the related story by The Malaysian Insider,

Umno's D-day is Sept 18, not Malaysia Day

SEPT 14 - Forget about September 16.

September 18 is shaping up to be a far more important day for Malaysia with far reaching consequences for Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi"s two-year transition plan and Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin"s political future.

Next Thursday, the Umno Supreme Council will convene and the top of the agenda is likely to be Abdullah"s plan to hand over the reins of power in the party to Datuk Seri Najib Abdul Razak.

The council unanimously endorsed the transition plan in July. But following the Barisan Nasional"s defeat in Permatang Pauh on August 26 and his meeting with Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad in early September, Muhyiddin has called for a review of the plan.

Speaking on the sidelines of the Forbes Conference in Singapore last week, he urged Abdullah to step down earlier, saying that the two year timetable was no longer tenable.

He has followed up that call with cutting comments about Abdullah"s ability to lead Umno and Barisan Nasional. The Minister of International Trade and Industry may have moved too fast.

Comments from several supreme council members and ministers show that not everyone believes that the transition plan should be revisited.

Others like Wanita Umno chief Datuk Seri Rafidah Aziz, Negeri Sembilan Mentri Besar Datuk Mohamed Hsssan, Works Minister Datuk Zin Mohamed and defacto Law Minister Datuk Zaid Ibrahim feel that Muhyiddin should be punished for going public with his comments about the transition plan and his criticism of Abdullah.

A key player at the Sept 18 meeting will be Najib. He is under pressure from his supporters on the ground to push for a quicker handover of power.
Their argument is this: Najib could become collateral damage in the current anti-Abdullah mood.

Former prime minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad has also exerted pressure on the DPM, giving him and ultimatum of sorts during a recent meeting: challenge Abdullah or risk having your dirty linen washed in public.

Najib"s comments on Friday where he said that it was up to party members to decide on the transition plan has sparked speculation that he is ready to back Muhyiddin"s idea of reviewing the transition plan.
His opening statement at the September 18 is likely to set the tone of the debate at the council meeting.
If he confirms that he is still committed to taking over the party presidency and the leadership of the country in 2010, this will mark the beginning of the end of Muhyiddin.

It could force the Umno vice-president to resign from the Cabinet and officially declare himself the running mate of Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah.

If Najib supports the call for a review of the transition plan, Abdullah"s political enemies and critics will pound and harass him further.

On the ground, the Umno divisions will take the DPM"s change in stance as a signal that he is willing to accept nominations as the party president.

At the moment, the DPM is still committed to the 2010 hand over, telling his friends that he is still more comfortable with Abdullah than he is with Muhyiddin or Dr Mahathir.
But there are still a few more days to go before the defining meeting for Umno, Abdullah, Najib and Muhyiddin.
'